In an open affront to press freedom this month, German Chancellor Angela Merkel has approved Turkey’s request for a criminal investigation of a German comedian Jan Boehmermann. His crime? Reciting a supposedly crude poem about the Turkish President Recep Erdogan on German television. In its attempt to silence Mr. Erdogan’s critics, Turkey has referenced an archaic German law that prohibits its citizens from openly insulting foreign leaders and in her acquiescence to this request, Angela Merkel is of course referencing none other than the importance of the rule of law. And while Ms. Merkel has stated that this step does not imply any judgment on the legality of Mr. Boehmermann’s actions and that the justice system will have final say, such a development exposes a deeper problem - one of diminishing alliances and political expedients.
As one might be well aware of, Europe has for some time now been struggling to deal with an immense migration crisis that has frayed the continent’s politics by exposing deep rifts between the European Union’s member states. Wave after wave of refugees has contributed to the rise of far-right nationalist parties in almost every European country. And if the flow of migrants alone wasn’t enough to convince the continent’s nations to close down their borders - as some have done - the repeated terrorist attacks in France and most recently Belgium have certainly made many Europeans no longer keen on the idea of open borders.
Furthermore, Russia’s seizure of Crimea, backing of separatist rebels in Ukraine, and stepped up military aggression on the continent’s eastern flank have all contributed to the disquietude across European capitals. And while Europe was able to impose a number of trade sanctions on Russia immediately after its annexation of Crimea - albeit at great effort by the United States to shepherd consensus - such measures have hurt quite a bit given Russia’s position as one of Europe’s largest trade partners. As such, some European capitals, notably Paris and Athens, are now reconsidering sanctions in favor of normalized relations with Russia and a “it’s a failed cause” view of Crimea. All this at a time when the UK public is split in anticipation of a June referendum on its membership in the EU and Greece is still not out of the woods on its debt crisis and bitter fight with European creditors.
Given the sheer variety of challenges facing Europe, it is no wonder that Angela Merkel, as head of the continent’s strongest economy and its de facto leader, would forge an agreement with Turkey, a frontline country in the flow of migrants from the Middle East, in a bid to alleviate pressure and restore a semblance of order to the European bloc. Under the accord aimed to break the business model of human smugglers, all “irregular migrants” arriving illegally in Greece via Turkey will be sent back. Instead the European Union will accept fully vetted legal refugees while also providing Turkey with some $6.8 billion as assistance for Syrian refugees housed in the country.
For its part, Turkey has in recent years slipped into a pattern of authoritarian governance with President Recep Erdogan, cracking down heavily on journalists, academics, and anyone else willing to question the wisdom of his decisions, and careless enough to express support for Turkish Kurds - whose calls for autonomy the government considers illegitimate - and whose Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) it considers to be a terrorist organization. Given Erdogan’s attempts to silence domestic media, it comes as no shock that he would attempt the same in Germany. What comes as a shock, however, is the fact that Germany would allow this.
Here the repercussions of Angela Merkel’s decision-making become apparent in full magnitude. Given Europe’s utter lack of competence in dealing with the migrant crisis and its reliance on Turkey in this matter, Chancellor Merkel, along with a number of other European leaders, has chosen the path of expediency. Appeasing Erdogan’s penchant for the autocratic in an attempt to alleviate her own condition, Ms. Merkel, has succumbed to the very ways of her despotic counterpart and undermined the values on which the Western liberal-democratic order is built. More worrying, however, is the fact that this, like so many of the world’s other quandaries, might just actually be America’s fault - as many like to claim.
In failing to properly address Russian aggression and the strain that subsequent sanctions have put on Europe as well as in failing to lend support in dealing with the refugee crisis, the US has thrown into question its commitment to, and leadership on, the European continent. In fact, dithering policies on the part of the current administration might have further compounded Europe’s hardships - one need merely look at the failed intervention and subsequent failure of the state in Libya which has now become a haven for extremist groups. Adding to this a turbulent election resulting in an inward orientation on the part of the United States as well as a firm pivot toward the Asia Pacific region without contingency planning for Europe has left the Transatlantic Alliance hollow indeed.
Faced with seemingly insurmountable challenges and lacking the kind of backing it received from the US during the Cold War, Europe has resorted to a number of dubious partnerships and decisions. The UK is moving towards China’s clutches as it attempts to secure future investment amongst domestic austerity. France, Greece, and a number of Eastern European states are openly embracing Russia as a partner in stemming the flow of refugees and extremists while Germany is addressing the same issue in its partnership with Turkey. All of these arrangements, however, are leaving much to be desired for the stability and purpose of the Western order and European unity.
The recent increase in funding for NATO forces in Eastern Europe as a counter to Russian aggression is quite welcome yet more needs to be done. The United States needs to engage with Europe on a level to which it has become unaccustomed since the end of the Cold War. Support must be provided to relieve the pain of economic sanctions levied on Russia. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership currently in the works is a step in the right direction. Furthermore, the United State can and should do more to enhance Europe’s ability to deal with migrants streaming onto the continent while also not shirking its own duty to take in refugees. Greater intelligence sharing is required to help Europe combat the threat of Islamic extremism and diplomatic efforts to regain European leaders’ trust post-Snowden leaks of US spying must be mounted. At the same time, greater pressure should be exerted on NATO members to reach the 2 percent of GDP target for military spending as many have taken their security for granted over the years. In all, given the state of flux in which Europe and the overarching alliances find themselves in, it is imperative for the United States to reaffirm its commitment to the continent. A pivot to Asia must not become a pivot away from Europe and away from the painstakingly constructed security and stability of Western liberal order. The United States is a continental power and should behave as such.
